The Brief – Who dares wield the DMA?

The DMA was designed as a powerful tool to regulate tech giants. But laws are only as strong as the powers that enforce them.

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Opinion Advocates for ideas and draws conclusions based on the author/producer’s interpretation of facts and data.

Vice President of the European Commission Teresa Ribera, participates in a press conference in Mexico City on 23 April 2025. [EPA-EFE/Jose Mendez]

Anupriya Datta Euractiv Apr 24, 2025 17:16 4 min. read
Opinion

Advocates for ideas and draws conclusions based on the author/producer’s interpretation of facts and data.

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On Wednesday the European Commission dropped its first set of fines against Apple and Meta after finding the US tech giants in breach of the bloc's Digital Markets Act. But the much-anticipated penalties felt more symbolic than a show of strength.

The disciplinary action was in the pipeline for over a year, as both companies were found guilty of practices that fall foul of the DMA. For Apple, its App Store was deemed unfair for directing users towards its own marketplace rather than competitors. Meta meanwhile was pulled up for its advertising model, which bombards users with personalised ads if they don't pay to opt out.

Designed as a powerful piece of legislation to make the online space fairer, the DMA is a strong tool for regulators to keep Big Tech in check. But this week it seemed an implement more fearsome to those wielding it than those it is used against.

If the Commission is serious about getting tough on the titans of the online space it wasn't a ruling that individuals were eager to associate themselves with. Neither Competition Commissioner Teresa Ribera nor Tech Commissioner Henna Virkkunen showed up to announce it.

As the fines were unveiled, Ribera – who described the DMA as a "crucial instrument" to "ensure digital players can operate in contestable and fair markets" – was away on a week-long trip to Mexico. Virkkunen had chosen to spend the day in a small town in Germany, visiting a supercomputing factory.

Their absence only fuelled suspicions that the Commission was delaying the fines due to the fear of retaliatory tech tariffs from Trump, rumours that Ribera had previously dismissed with assurances that the EU would not be cowed by the US on big tech.

But not only was there a distinct lack of top brass to defend the fines, the amounts demanded of the trillion-dollar companies was relatively minimal: €500 million for Apple and €200 million for Meta. In both cases this is far below the ten percent of global turnover that the DMA permits.

To illustrate the insignificance of the penalties, a Proton study found that Meta would take 36 hours and 45 minutes to pay its fine; Apple would pay it back in 45 hours and 58 minutes.

All of which raises questions about the DMA's efficacy as a regulatory tool. Will companies be compelled to comply with EU legislation or decide the DMA is little more than a token punishment that authorities are reluctant to invoke?

Other US companies – notably Google and X – also stand to come up against the EU digital rule book. Need they worry?

Laws are only as strong as the powers that enforce them. And this week the Commission seemed more David than Goliath, weakly waving its new slingshot rather than launching the formidable projectile.

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